Deng Xiaoping and the Strategic Path of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics
—In commemoration of Deng Xiaoping’s 110th Birthday

Zheng Bijian

(1) China has made phenomenal achievements over the past 36 years since the implementation of reform and opening up, and this year marks the 110^th anniversary of the birth of Deng Xiaoping, the “chief architect” of China’s reform and opening up program. We are witnessing a historical evolution in today’s China, which we owe to Deng Xiaoping Theory, and a great awakening of the Communist Party of China and the Chinese nation and people. We are convinced more than any time in history that our cause would not be what it is today absent the strategic course of building socialism with Chinese characteristics that Deng Xiaoping had charted for us. The best way of remembering him is to forge ahead unswervingly for a broader future of development.

Deng Xiaoping Theory Came into Being in the Hard Struggle of Charting a New, Strategic Path for China

(2) Deng Xiaoping’s life was splendid, and his last 20 years starting from the convening of the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the CPC were more so than any other period of his life. He made two historic contributions to the CPC and the Chinese people in those 20 years. First, he wrought order out of the chaos of the Cultural Revolution and, by leading the whole party in correctly assessing China’s historical experiences since its founding, completely repudiated the catastrophic movement. At the same time, he made a scientific valuation of Comrade Mao Zedong’s historical standing and the significance of Mao Zedong Thought as a guidance. Second, he led the whole party and the Chinese people in successfully blazing out the new strategic path of building socialism with Chinese characteristics, and this magnificent process resulted in the establishment of Deng Xiaoping Theory.  

Deng Xiaoping once remarked, “Without Chairman Mao, the Chinese people would, at the very least, have spent much more time groping in the dark.”[ii] Today, we could rightly say, “Without Deng Xiaoping, the Party and the people would likely be struggling with poverty and backwardness even now.”

(3) Since the days of Mao Zedong and then Deng Xiaoping and till now, a central thread running through the entire body of guiding theories of the CPC has been Sinicization of Marxism. It is in the process of Sinicization that the Party has reached two historical milestones, each represented by the establishment of a major theory or theories. The first is Mao Zedong Thought; the second is the body of scientific theories on building socialism with Chinese characteristics under new historical conditions, which are founded on Deng Xiaoping Theory and are guiding China’s reform and opening up and socialist modernization drive. 

(4) Great theories are born in times of hard struggle and innovative practice. In essence, Deng Xiaoping Theory had resulted from Deng Xiaoping’s deep reflections on the turbulent changes that occurred both at home and abroad during the last 20 years of the 20^th century, in which he engaged in a hard struggle. It had not come about overnight, smoothly, or at one swoop; in one word, it had come into existence amid great historical changes.

(5) The most prominent historical changes that took place in China in those twenty years were associated with two major historical periods, each of which found China at a crossroads:

At the end of the 1970s following the tumultuous Cultural Revolution, the serious question of where China should be headed loomed large in front of the CPC and the Chinese people. At a time when the people were still under the spell of the “two-whatever” doctrine[iii] and were frustrated and unsure about the future destiny of the party and the nation, Deng Xiaoping staunchly supported the national debate on the criterion of truth (1978) and thus forcefully pushed forward the liberation of thought. As the focus of work of the entire Party shifted from class struggle to economic development, the policy of “one central task, two basic points”[iv] was instituted. Within just a few years China climbed out of its political and economic woes and embarked on rapid economic development that was to continue for the entire 1980s.   

Ten years later, that is at the end of the 1980s, China came to another crossroads. The question of where China should be headed once again presented itself seriously in front of the CPC and the Chinese people amid the political unrest domestically and the collapse of the Soviet Union internationally. Should China follow the wicked path of bourgeois liberalization or retread the path of being closed? Or should it continue unswervingly on the new path of building socialism with Chinese characteristics? In the face of the complex situation, Deng Xiaoping emphasized, with his consistent deep conviction and unusual courage and vision, that maintaining stability was the overriding task. Shortly afterwards, his well-known Southern Tour talks were published. In those talks he clarified, by addressing their roots, a series of major political, ideological, and theoretical issues, thereby pushing forward a new round of reform and opening up and socialist modernization, which were to catch worldwide attention.    

(6) Internationally, the most prominent changes in those 20 years were associated with the introduction and establishment of the strategic view that peace and development are the dominant themes of the times. Earlier, from the latter half of the 1970s to the mid-1980s, Deng Xiaoping became keenly aware of the fact that the scientific and technological revolution worldwide was developing apace. At the same time, he found that the United States and the Soviet Union—the two superpowers in the world most qualified to launch a world war—did not achieve their global strategic deployments, as the former was defeated in the Vietnam War and the latter met with setbacks in Afghanistan. Also, he realized that it would be a global trend for the developing countries to concentrate on development. Therefore, he concluded, “Among the host of problems in the present-day world, two stand out all the more. One is the problem of peace; the other is the North-South problem.”[v] The North-South problem was one of development. Based on the strategic judgment, he urged the whole party to seize the rare opportunities of the times by concentrating on economic development and progress.

Thereafter, from the late 1980s to the beginning of the 1990s, Deng Xiaoping, with a clearheaded understanding and grasp of the complex international situation, pointed out that peace and development remained the dominant themes of the times. Thus he proposed the strategy of “observing calmly; securing our position; coping with affairs calmly; hiding our capacities and biding our time” [vi]. At the same time, weighing upon the international situation, he said, “We must do something.”[vii] Taking Shanghai as a “trump card”[viii], he proposed the major move of developing Pudong to stimulate the development of the Yangtze River Delta and even the country at large. As a result, China frustrated the economic sanctions that seven Western countries jointly imposed on it, and thus the oppressive international situation took a turn for the better.

(7) It was under the aforementioned domestic and international situation that Deng Xiaoping spent the last few years of his splendid life. In the height of summer in 1992, when he was at the advanced age of 89, he devoted himself to the editing of the Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping, Volume III for publication. We remember vividly how he personally reviewed every article and took publication of the book in his hand as a pressing matter. “The book serves our purpose well. It is of educational value to the people and comes out at the right time,” he said. “I have made those remarks, whether for the present time or for the future, from an overall perspective rather than a narrow perspective. Let’s finish it with the Southern Tour talks piece; this is good since everything seems to be well-organized.” It was published as his “final words” and as a monumental work of great practical importance and long-term strategic importance, and he dedicated it to the Party, his motherland, and the people. He was rejoiced, saying, “Finally this is done”.  

(8) Thus it was through a period of 20 years of arduous practice amid historical changes after the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the CPC that Deng Xiaoping Theory came into being and developed. However, if the “Resolution on Certain Questions in the History”officially made for the near 30-year period from the founding of New China in 1949 to the eve of the Third Plenary Session of the 11^th Central Committee of the CPC (we have drawn a rich wealth of historical experience and lessons from this period)[ix] is included, it had actually taken nearly half a century’s time for Deng Xiaoping Theory to take shape and eventually be established.    

In 1993 the Central Committee of the CPC made the solemn statement, “The Third Volume of Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping has now been published. It serves as our best textbook material and most powerful weapon in our efforts to further equip the whole party with the theory of building socialism with Chinese characteristics, educate the cadres and the people, and unify our thought and consolidate our convictions, thereby implementing the Party’s basic line actively, correctly, and comprehensively.” The Central Committee urged the whole party to conscientiously study Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping, Volume III under the new situation of reform and opening up and socialist modernization drive.   

(9) Since the late 1980s, the Central Committee of the CPC, first with Jiang Zemin at the core and then with Hu Jintao, effectively promoted reform and opening up and the socialist modernization drive while whipping up and leading the high tide of studying Deng Xiaoping Theory. Also, the Central Committee made significant theoretical achievements in Sinicization of Marxism, including the Three Represents and the Scientific Outlook on Development. While sharing the ideological underpinnings of Deng Xiaoping Theory, these theories kept pace with the times and enhanced and further developed the body of theories for building socialism with Chinese characteristics with Deng Xiaoping Theory as their foundation. 

(10) The party and the people were greatly encouraged that less than one month after the conclusion of the Eighteenth National Congress of the CPC, President Xi Jinping made a tour to Guangdong Province, the forefront of China’s reform and opening up. He laid a wreath of flowers at Deng Xiaoping’s bronze statue that sits on the top of Lianhua Hill in Shenzhen and remarked, “Today we pay respects to Deng Xiaoping’s bronze statue as a sign of our determination to steadfastly push forward reform and opening up. We will work hard to achieve breakthrough progress in reform and opening up and the modernization drive in order to take these to a new and higher level.” “Reform and opening up are moves that are crucial to the fate of China today, to the fulfillment of the two Centennial Goals, and hence to the great renaissance of the Chinese nation,” he further pointed out. “There is no end to practice and development, to liberating the mind, nor to reform and opening up. Staying where we are or going backward will lead us nowhere.”   

Since then, the Central Committee of the CPC with President Xi Jinping at the core has adopted a series of major policies and decisions. In particular, the Third Plenary Session of the Eighteenth CPC Central Committee held in November 2013 made the historic decision of deepening reform comprehensively, signifying that we were taking the cause of reform and opening up and socialist modernization to the next level on the strategic path charted by Deng Xiaoping.

(11) Reviews of our history and present-day development have repeatedly and eloquently shown that Deng Xiaoping Theory has provided us with strong ideological, motivational, and intellectual support in our efforts to realize a major evolution and new awakening in the new era. It is a great fortune for the party, the nation, and the people to have been blessed with such support. 

The Purpose of Reform Is to Keep Abreast with the Times, and the Key is “Three Liberates”

(12) “In the days of the Cultural Revolution, the Gang of Four were in tyrannical power, and the people were oppressed and deeply worried about the future of the nation. The society as a whole was at a standstill,” Deng Xiaoping said. “The first couple of years following the Cultural Revolution were a period of wavering. It was after December 1978, when the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the CPC was convened, that the country started to be really invigorated as we devoted our energies to the things that the people wanted done.”[x] By comparing the days of the Cultural Revolution and those in its wake, Deng Xiaoping was raising the sharp question of whether we should allow China to stay in stagnation or invigorate it by devoting ourselves to doing the things that the people want done.

Over the past 36 years of reform and opening up, China has rid itself of stagnation and become truly invigorated, with the enormous potential and vitality of the whole society being released. It is self-evident that this has been the biggest and most profound change over the period of time. 

(13) Then, how have such potential and vitality been released? 

If we turn the pages of the Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping for the annals and ideological guidelines on reform and opening up, the first article devoted to this is entitled “Emancipate the Mind, Seek Truth from Facts, and Unite as One in Looking to the Future”. It was actually the text of the keynote speech Deng Xiaoping delivered at the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the CPC. “Our primary task is to emancipate our minds,” he pointed out at the outset. “Only by doing so can we, under the guidance of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought, find correct solutions to the whole array of issues, both left over from history and emerging, and appropriately reform those aspects of both the relations of production and superstructures that are not suited to the rapid development of productive forces. We will then be able to chart a clear course for achieving the four modernizations in accordance with the actual national conditions and formulate specific policies, methods, and measures for doing so.” 

In essence those words spelt out the great starting point for the second major evolution of Marxism in China in the history of its Sinizization. Amid the grave consequences caused by the catastrophic Cultural Revolution, releasing the inherent potential of the Chinese people and society and the socialist system required, above all, attacking the innermost cause of its stifling. That meant emancipating the minds of the people and, particularly, of the Party.

(14) Emancipating our minds served the fundamental purpose of releasing productive forces. Deng Xiaoping always firmly and resolutely insisted on emancipating our minds as the prerequisite requirement and starting point for further liberating and developing productive forces. For him, the former was the means and the latter was the ultimate end.

“The central task for the entire period of socialism is to develop productive forces. That’s what true Marxism means,” Deng Xiaoping said regarding the development of productive forces. “Poverty is not socialism, neither is development that is too slow. If they were, what would be the superiority of socialism at all?”[xi]

In his theoretical thinking and innovative practice, Deng Xiaoping emphasized the importance of liberating social vitality and associated it with emancipating our minds and liberating productive forces. Hence the “three liberates” policy was established. It is the fundamental reason underlying the success of reform and opening up over the past 36 years.  

Liberating our minds, productive forces, and social vitality is the explicit decision that the Eighteenth National Congress of the CPC and the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the CPC have recently made. It is the explicit decision of the new Central leadership with President Xi Jinping at the core. At a meeting of the Central Leading Group for Financial and Economic Affairs, which was held just two days ago, President Xi Jinping remarked, “We must be aware that the development of productive forces and improvement of labor productivity are the most crucial for the development of our nation and hence its future destiny. Only by continuously promoting technological innovation, liberating and expanding productive forces, and improving labor productivity can we achieve sustained, healthy social and economic development.”   

(15) That has been proven repeatedly in the course of reform and opening up over the past 36 years.

That historical process may be divided into five periods as follows: the first four years (1978-1982), the decade from 1982 to 1992, the decade from 1992 to 2002, the decade from 2002 to 2012, and the new era starting from the convening of the Eighteenth National Congress of the CPC.

The first period of the historical process was one of bringing order out of chaos and initiating reform and opening up. As the party’s ideological and political lines underwent fundamental changes, reform in all areas of endeavor started to unfold. As a notable achievement in implementing the “three liberates”, we invigorated the rural economy and managed to ensure, within a length of just three or four years, that the people were adequately fed and clothed by and large. 

The second period, or the first decade of the 36-year span, was one of carrying out reform comprehensively, establishing the fundamental path and basic line of building socialism with Chinese characteristics, and boldly exploring the goals of reform. Specifically, we defined the party’s basic line for the initial period of socialism as comprising “one central task, two basic points”, and put forward the “three-step” strategy for the socialist modernization drive. In implementing the “three liberates” policy, we achieved accelerated development, reaching a new level every several years. The urban economy became vibrant and reform and opening up progressed from local to regional and to national levels, with township and village enterprises (TVEs), foreign-funded enterprises, and “three-plus-one” trading-mix businesses[xii] springing up and thriving.  

The third period, or the next decade, was one of achieving historic breakthroughs in reform and opening up. We successfully withstood both the severe tests imposed by domestic and international political turbulences and the adverse impact of the Asian financial crisis. At the same time, we advanced reform and opening up to the new phase of mapping out the basic framework for a socialist market economic system. Simply put, the most prominent achievements in implementing the “three liberates” policy were that the socialist market economic system with Chinese characteristics was initially established and that China became a well-off society by and large.

The fourth period, or the third decade, was one of building a well-off society comprehensively under the new historical conditions. The phenomenal achievements we made in implementing the “three liberates” policy were as follows: We maintained double-digit annual growth rates on average and elevated China to be the second largest economy in the world; we survived the severe tests resulting from our accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the global financial crisis; and the people conscientiously engaged in scientific and harmonious development.  

The fifth period, which represents a new era in the course of reform and opening up, started from the convening of the Eighteenth National Congress of the CPC and is expected to extend until 2022 (or at the time of the 100^th anniversary of the founding of CPC), when China has just become a well-off society comprehensively. We are full of confidence although we entered the period only a few years ago. As reform deepens comprehensively, the economy and the society will release far more of their potentials. In implementing the “three liberates” policy, we will double the present GDP, overcome the “middle income trap”, and bring the standard of living of the people, both materially and culturally, to a higher level. 

(16) The progression of the five periods has reinforced our understanding of the “three liberates” conception. That is, emancipating our minds and liberating social vitality must eventually serve the goals of liberating productive forces and improving the people’s standard of living. In the final analysis, as there is no end to the development of the human society, the requirements for liberating and expanding productive forces will be everlasting. 

(17) “In today’s world things are developing at an unusually rapid pace, and this is especially the case in the field of science and technology. Changes happen with each passing day, as the old Chinese saying goes. That’s exactly the way things are today,” Deng Xiaoping said incisively in 1987 regarding the overall international situation. “We must keep abreast of the times; that’s the purpose of our reform.”[xiii]  

Actually, we had embarked on reform and opening up and the cause of socialist modernization at a time when peace and development became the dominant themes of the times. Also, we should endeavor to be ahead of the times. We should make a major contribution to humanity, thus leaving a major chapter in human history behind us.

We believe that that is the essence of “keeping abreast of the times” and of the new, magnificent revolution of reform and opening up.

We Must Work Earnestly and in a Pragmatic Manner and Dare to Innovate as We Look to Reach a New Phase in Building Socialism with Chinese Characteristics 

(18) Since the Eighteenth National Congress of the CPC and the Third Plenary Session of the Eighteenth Central Committee of the CPC, the new Central leadership with President Xi Jinping at the core have attached great importance to and vigorously advocated earnest and pragmatic work and innovation. “We must unswervingly deepen reform and opening up comprehensively and work earnestly and in a pragmatic manner to promote social and economic development,” President Xi Jinping remarked on quite several occasions. “We must consistently incorporate the spirit of reform and innovation into all aspects of our governance of the country. We must make solid efforts and dare to explore as we strive to be successful on our road ahead.”   

At the moment, the Central Committee places prominent emphasis on earnest and pragmatic work and innovation simply for the reason that they play a key role in carrying out the major policies and guidelines which have been set forth for the new round of reform and opening up and socialist modernization drive. They are essential in that they concern the methodologies, work styles, and mentality with which we should approach the Party’s mission and tasks. In one word, they represent a revolutionary style of work.    

(19) This revolutionary style of work featured importantly in the last part of the talks Deng Xiaoping had on his Southern tour in 1992 in initiating the second round of reform and opening up and development. He pointed out sternly that “One of the problems we have today is that there is too much formalism.”[xiv] Also he was a strong advocator of simplicity, as he said earnestly, “We have been Marxists the whole of our lives. In fact, Marxism is not abstruse at all. It is something simple, and tells a plain truth.”[xv] At the same time, he strongly advocated innovation, saying, “As for the development of science and technologies, the higher and newer they are, the better, and the more contented we will be.”[xvi] In fact, Deng Xiaoping had always championed the pragmatic work style and sprit of innovation. He remarked, “In order to achieve the four modernizations over a reasonable period of time, we shall call for a down-to-earth, or revolutionary, style of work. It will help us turn lofty ideals into reality step by step.”[xvii] In 1982 he said, “In mastering technologies, we shall be good at learning; in particular, we shall be good at innovating.”[xviii]  

Working earnestly and pragmatically and daring to innovate boil down to seeking truth from facts. In essence, this revolutionary style of work is most conspicuously embodied in Deng Xiaoping Theory and the entire body of theories for building socialism with Chinese characteristics with Deng Xiaoping Theory as their foundation. 

(20) We are a party with a history of more than 90 years and also a major party with more than 80 million members. While we have caught worldwide attention for our performance in governance, we have, over a long period of time, faced four major tests (i.e., the tests of governance, reform and opening up, market economy, and the external environment) and four dangers (i.e., dangers imposed by a lack of drive, incompetence, alienation from the people, and negativity and corruption). For such a party, then, the importance of the revolutionary style of work can never be overstated. Probably it is no exaggeration to say that it is the most crucial factor for the success of our entire cause! 

Over the past 90 years and more, we have gone through numerous trials and tribulations and emerged stronger and stronger. We owe this to a correct line embraced, correct policies adopted, and the revolutionary way of work, that is, working earnestly and pragmatically and daring to innovate. 

(21) We must promote reform and opening up and the cause of socialist modernization through the revolutionary style of work. Also, we must do so by living up to Deng Xiaoping’s dictum, “Keep abreast of the times”. However, an important precondition for keeping abreast of the times is a firm grasp of the trends of the times. 

An overview of the domestic and international situations suggests that these trends may be summarized as follows: 1) a major evolution and new awakening in China, with the theme of peaceful rise, or peaceful development of the great cause of building socialism with Chinese characteristics; 2) a global evolution and new awakening, with the theme of peaceful development (i.e., peaceful rise of a number of developing countries, including China, and further development of the developed countries). These evolutions and new awakenings are happening through a magnificent and complex historical process—a process that is unprecedented in history. The process came underway in China back at the time of Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the CPC; worldwide, it was started in the 1970s after the Vietnam War came to an end. Immense new changes have taken place both in China and in the rest of the world over the period of less than 40 years. These changes are destined to continue to take place and will do so by persisting in their complex polarized nature.

Domestically, phenomenal changes have taken place since reform and opening up, and the theories of building socialism with Chinese characteristics are becoming deeply rooted amongst the people. The Party is deepening its understanding of socialism with Chinese characteristics to the level of a new awakening and, as a result, is gradually reaching an understanding and grasp of the laws that govern the development of socialism proactively rather than passively as in the past. On the other hand, however, there are various deficiencies in our work, there are numerous difficulties and challenges lying ahead, and there is the dark side of the society. These are attributed to both institutional and ideological hurdles. There are the old problems left over from history, and new problems keep cropping up in the process of development. We face pressures from both within and outside of China. Also, reform and opening up have entered a “deep-water” zone, where key issues are to be tackled. All these new historical conditions determine that both our opportunities and challenges will be unprecedented.  

Now let’s turn to the international situation. On the one hand, peace and development remain the dominant themes of the times. As multi-polarity and economic globalization deepen and the new industrial revolution is emerging, different countries in the world are witnessing greater interdependences and convergences of interests amongst themselves. Relations among the major powers are undergoing deep adjustments. Particularly, further positive changes to the relative standings and dynamics of vested interests of the major powers are being observed as a result of the increasingly pronounced trend of common peaceful rise of a number of developing countries, including China. On the other hand, however, various forms of turbulences and geopolitical conflicts continue to develop. Hegemony, the Cold War mentality, and the conventional danger of hot war continue to exist. Terrorism and other forms of non-traditional security threats are worsening. Also, global forces are shifting in growing complexity.

Thus there are two sides to the above, one being positive and the other being negative. This polarity nature has always been there and is more salient in today’s world.

Therefore, we now have the what we call “polarity” concept joining those of “major evolution” and “new awakening” discussed above. With their polarized nature, the changes taking place in today’s world are more diverse and disorderly, with different views and thoughts coexisting, such that they exceed our ability based on experience and conventional wisdom to assess or predict. We might call this the global version of “zhuzi baijia”[xix] under the new conditions in today’s world.   

Nevertheless, the “major evolution” and “new awakening” are the dominant trends and will go on unhindered. This will be the case both in China and in the rest of the world.

This view suggests that the best days of the “major evolution” and “new awakening” are yet to come. This is true both for China and for the rest of the world. 

Concluding Remarks                                       

(22) In commemorating the 110^th anniversary of Deng Xiaoping’s birthday, we are reflecting upon the hard struggle he had experienced in charting the strategic course of building socialism with Chinese characteristics. As a result, we are realizing more deeply that Deng Xiaoping Theory is a product of history and our times and, in turn, it has had an enormous impact on both history and our times. It will provide everlasting support, both ideological and intellectual, for the great renaissance of the Chinese nation.  

Therefore, the best way for us to remember Deng Xiaoping is to take Deng Xiaoping Theory as our ideological weapon, methodology, and guide as we pursue our cause with hard work and a spirit of innovation under the new historical conditions. In other words, the best way for us to remember Deng Xiaoping is to move forward unswervingly on the strategic path of building socialism with Chinese characteristics. 

(23) Toward the end of his Southern Tour talks (that is, the end of Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping, Volume III), Deng Xiaoping said earnestly, “The time to the middle of the next century will be crucial. We must be devoted to working hard. We bear a major responsibility as we have heavy tasks to accomplish.”[xx] Twenty-two years have elapsed since then. As things in today’s world develop rapidly and as competition intensifies, those words of exhortation sink more in our minds.      

The Central Committee with President Xi Jinping at the core has now issued the resounding call for action urging us to push forward the new round of reform in a comprehensive manner. We must take the great cause of reform and opening up and socialist modernization to the next level, achieve the two Centennial Goals proposed by the party, and fulfill the Chinese dream, that is, the great renaissance of the Chinese nation. We are convinced that the Party, the army, and the people of all ethnic groups will be able to turn these goals into reality under the leadership of the Central Committee as long as we are united as one, work with one mind and purpose, and combine solid efforts with pragmatism and a spirit of innovation.